MANY people expressed shock at the election of Donald Trump as President of the United States. Perhaps people are more surprised at his election as opposed to the election of a candidate of his ilk: a divisive, inexperienced outsider who has relied upon the politics of anxiety to be elected.

The US has long been politically divided and, in recent years, polarised. The polarisation touches on identity politics such as race, gender and class, leading to the minimisation, or obliteration of the rights of certain people. The disproportionate murder and abuse rates among black people by the police has become a touchstone.

The war on women continues to erode not just access to abortion but also to reproductive health care for poorer, rural women. The gap between the super-rich and the vanishing middle class continues with further promised tax breaks for the wealthy and a continued tax burden for the middle class.

Anxious people fear change: the unknown and the different. To “make America great again” is not a new charge; it harks back to some nostalgic past of economic prosperity as well as a white heteronormative (promoting heterosexuality as the norm), patriarchal order. The expansion of rights to minorities exemplifies a challenge to the known order and sparks anxiety in those who fear they will lose out. Since the 1960s, white supremacy has faced the biggest challenge to its power and dominance.

The anxiety over identity politics and what “America” means to certain individuals did not necessarily allow Mr Trump to be elected; his election re-opened the doors of American democracy to the “alt-right,” better known as white supremacy or white nationalism. It has opened the doors to fascism in American politics.

It may seem absurd or surreal to discuss fascism and the US in the same sentence. However, the work of Robert Paxton, a political scientist, makes one aware of how fragile democracy is and how quickly it can slide into a fascist style of government. Such a slide originates with a deeply polarised constituency and a dissatisfaction with the present state of affairs.

Although this dissatisfaction began earlier than Barack Obama’s presidency, the racist backlash against his election crystallized it. The “birther” crisis, led by Mr Trump, was a racially motivated way to discredit Mr Obama, keeping any link to Islam and his “African-ness” in the minds of voters. A fascist system continues to grow by proposing an alternative to mainstream conservatism. At one point, the Republican party had 17 unsatisfactory candidates for the presidential election. No one took Mr Trump seriously until they had to. As his candidacy became a certainty, he was advised by Steve Bannon, who led the alternative “news” and commentary website, Breitbart.com, known for its right-wing commentary on race and gender. Bannon is the president-elect’s chief strategist.

Proposed actions that veer towards fascism include Mr Trump’s campaign promise to lock up and/or investigate his political rivals and his tweet that protesters should have their citizenship revoked. It may be easy to laugh at his Twitter account until one realises it has already led to a diplomatic fracas with China. Worryingly, one of the biggest indicators of movement towards fascism is “crony capitalism” and putting members of the military in position of power. Besides the six military members nominated to be some of his closest government appointees, Mr Trump’s choices for the Cabinet have a combined wealth of $4.5 billion. Many have demonstrated an animus towards the departments they will lead.

Some may say this is overblown and anxiety politics of a different kind. Yet the US woke earlier this month to the House Republicans having secretly dismantled the House’s ethics oversight committee. But there is hope. There was such a large public backlash against the Republicans that they had largely backtracked by the end of the day.

While one can hope that the checks and balances in the US constitution will keep fascism at bay, public resistance will yield the most power. When Mr Trump’s transition team asked for the names of all climate scientists in the energy department, it refused to comply. Resistance by institutions, organisations, state and city governments, bureaucrats and individuals will be what protects American democracy.

Dr Gentry is a senior lecturer in the School of International Relations at the University of St Andrews.