GENERALS try to force their enemies to scatter. Whether by accident or design, that is what Theresa May appears to have done with her hardline Brexiteer colleagues, for now.

But there is a very real possibility that they could regroup and topple her, at the worst possible moment if there is to be any chance of a smooth and orderly Brexit.

Speaking to MPs in parliament yesterday, the Prime Minister sounded a little calmer and steelier than before. At last she was freed from trying to face both ways at once; with her Chequers plan for an EU trade deal, she had finally broken cover, and that – if nothing else – seemed to have come as a relief.

Her version of Brexit falls some way short of what many pro-Remain MPs (including most Scottish MPs) would like to see, and she will have a hard time selling it in Brussels. But it does at least reject the most uncompromising demands of the Europhobes.

By the time she stood up, there had been two resignations, first that of Brexit secretary David Davis and then, sensationally, of her main provocateur, Boris Johnson. But others, such as Michael Gove, Liam Fox and the former chairman Grant Shapps, who has previously openly defied Mrs May, were still in her corner. Advantage May.

But for how long? She faces a real and present danger that her erstwhile loyal colleagues could do a bunk. Michael Gove has serious form in that respect.

If so, and more ministers follow Mr Johnson, it is just the beginning. A serious question mark remains over whether Mr Johnson would command enough support within the Conservative Party to succeed in a leadership bid.

That he has the ambition to attempt one is beyond doubt. Ambition, not conviction, has always been his watchword.

But that lack of principle, along with his repeated gaffes and disdain for collective responsibility, greatly concerns some of his backbench colleagues.

There is also the disruptive effect that a leadership contest could have on the Brexit negotiations, which are now taking place on a suffocatingly short timetable.

The crunch EU summit is in October, while a Tory leadership fight normally takes three months, with the very direction of Brexit the issue that would be at its heart. Even if the Conservative Party had an appetite for it and the timetable were truncated, such apparent self-absorption would risk a public – and business – backlash.

The House of Commons is unlikely to sit obediently and allow internal Tory wrangles to settle the Brexit question, and there were clear signs yesterday that many MPs thought everything was up for grabs. Clarity? There seems less than ever.

Politics is never more fascinating than when internecine warfare breaks out in the ruling party. But while conflict rages, the rudderless ship drifts on. Right now, the outcome that seems most likely for Brexit is a no-deal scenario, brought about, not by intent, but by confusion and disarray. And that, the hardline Brexiteers would count as winning the war.