TOWARDS the end of his time as party leader, Tony Blair would deliver his conference speech in the manner of the first act on the bill of the Glasgow Empire of old. Knowing the natives were in large part hostile, and keeping one eye on the exit, his objective was to get in and out as quickly as possible.

In contrast, Jeremy Corbyn in Brighton yesterday had the air of a man who was enjoying the gig of his life. To the fans who cheered him to the rafters he was James Brown at his Godfather of soul best, Elvis in Vegas, the Beatles at Shea Stadium. Not bad for a 68-year-old dude who had lost an election to a spectacularly inept opponent.

Still, as was clear from his speech, Mr Corbyn regards what happened on June 8 as a mere rehearsal for the victory to come. He was leading a government-in-waiting, Labour was the largest political party in western Europe, the Tories were falling apart – it was all good news. It was Jezza’s world, and for a moment (more like an hour plus change) we were living in it. Did he come across as a prime minister in waiting? He certainly kept Scotland waiting for a mention. Onwards he ventured, going all round the globe and twice round the achievements of his shadow ministers, several of whom were given standing ovations. Such was Scotland’s continuing absence it began to look as if Mr Corbyn had done an Ed Miliband and mistakenly left out an entire section of his speech. When mention did arrive it was a cough and you’ll miss it kind of moment. Labour was “on the way back” in Scotland, followed by a quick thanks to Kez and a pledge to work hard with the next leader of Scottish Labour, whoever that may be, to build on that progress.

So much for Mr Corbyn feeling the love for Scotland. More importantly, how does Scotland feel about Mr Corbyn? It was clearly not something that was front and centre of the Labour leader’s thoughts while he was writing his speech, but he cannot ignore it for much longer if he is to stand any chance of forming the next UK Government. Labour may have changed radically under Mr Corbyn’s leadership, but one thing that has not altered is the part Scotland has played, and will continue to play, in the party’s success or failure. If nothing else, Scotland can provide Mr Corbyn with a much-needed reality check. The buzz from Brighton will not last forever.

Scotland has always been a friend indeed to a Labour movement in need. It gave the party its founding father. It put Labour governments in power and kept them there. That was good for Labour, it was sometimes good for the UK as a whole, as with the creation of the NHS, but it was not always dandy for Scotland. Labour took Scotland for granted, and that is putting it politely. Scottish Labour in turn grew fat and lazy and complacent. The backlash, when it inevitably arrived, was fierce. Memories are not so short in Scotland that one well-received speech by a UK Labour leader can wipe out the resentments of Labour voters past.

Certainly, Mr Corbyn can pull a crowd in Scotland. Tony Benn was the same. Scotland has a soft spot for the old-time religion of socialism. It appeals to our sense of community, our Burnsian notion of ourselves as egalitarian. But UK Labour needs more from Scotland than toasty welcomes for its leader. As with his predecessors, Mr Corbyn needs Scotland in cold, hard, electoral arithmetic terms. To win a Commons majority a party needs 326 seats. At the 2017 General Election, Labour won 262 seats, leaving it short by 64. Of those 64 target seats, as listed by the Election Polling website, 18 are in Scotland, starting with Glasgow South West (majority 60) at number 2, and East Kilbride, Strathaven and Lesmahagow (majority 3,866) at number 64. Easily achieved with the Corbyn bounce, one might think. Except there was no such bounce in Scotland. Yes, at the 2017 General Election Scottish Labour added six MPs to its tally, but this was no red letter day result. At a UK level, Labour’s share of the vote went up by 9.5 per cent. In Scotland, the increase was just 2.8 per cent. As bounces go it was hardly Tiggerish, and it would not be not be enough to win East Kilbride.

There are other reasons why Scotland may not be the answer to Mr Corbyn’s dreams. First, voters on the left in Scotland can find a home for their votes other than with Labour, and with the prospect of a second independence referendum receding ever further, pro-Union Labour voters who turned away from the SNP at the last election may well return.

Nor is Mr Corbyn as popular in Scotland as he is in other parts. Take a look again at that General Election vote share. In the leadership election the party in Scotland preferred Owen Smith. Moreover, in contrast to Mr Corbyn’s equivocation on the EU, Scotland has been clear where it stands, voting 62-38 to Remain.

Even if Scottish voters were of a mind to return to the Labour fold, will there be a leader of the Scottish party ready and able to seal the deal? On the evidence so far, no. Neither candidate looks anywhere near having the personality or the policies to lead a Labour fightback in Scotland. While one appreciates that Mr Corbyn’s elevation to the leadership and his subsequent surge in popularity confounded the naysayers, that kind of lightning does not strike three times. Moreover, such is the way Mr Corbyn’s union friends are sticking their beaks into the Scottish Labour leadership election, the party in Scotland is in danger of looking even more like a branch office than it has in the past.

For all the assumptions that have been made about Mr Corbyn, perhaps the biggest is that his current popularity will last. Yet the longer it is until the next General Election the greater the chance that disillusionment with Labour will take hold and the party’s policies will be questioned and found wanting, in Scotland and elsewhere.

Mr Corbyn may have rocked Brighton. He should not expect the rest of the UK to roll over so easily.