CHANCELLORS always try to sound positive about the prospects for the economy and Philip Hammond did his best when he delivered his spring Budget. All those doomsaying commentators were wrong, he said – the deficit was down, the growth of the British economy was second only to Germany, and the public finances were in a much better state than previously predicted. It was time, he said, to prepare Britain for a brighter future.

However, as usual, there was a lot the Chancellor was not saying. That supposed brighter future, for example, has one great, ever-lengthening shadow over it in the form of Brexit and its potential effect on the British economy in the future.

Mr Hammond’s strategy seemed to be to pretty much ignore the subject of Brexit in his speech – clearly, he spent more time on his jokes – but, in the background, the UK’s departure from the EU was the defining factor of the Chancellor’s economic strategy. This is almost certainly the last Budget before the Government triggers Article 50 and Mr Hammond knows he has to do what he can to prepare for Brexit and keep as much money back as he can to deal with the troubles ahead.

In the meantime, Mr Hammond took much pleasure in the fact that the economy looks like it is in a better state than many predicted and it is certainly true that the Office for Budget Responsibility has raised its forecast for this year.

But let’s not get out the bunting yet. The OBR is now forecasting growth of 2 per cent this year, dipping to 1.6 per cent next year before rising again to 2 per cent by 2021, which does indeed buck the predictions of some of those who warned of immediate disaster after a vote for Brexit. But the forecasts are still well below the long-term historical average growth rate – even if the predictions prove to be true, we will still be worse off than we used to be.

The Chancellor has also taken some decisions which betray what he is really thinking about the state of the economy. There were a few small giveaways, but he was careful that it was all paid for by other measures, most notably the increase in the national insurance contributions paid by the self-employed. Perhaps Mr Hammond thinks the position of the Conservative Government is so unassailable that he can afford to turn the screw a little on those who might be more likely to vote Tory (Jeremy Corbyn certainly failed to land any punches in his reaction to the Budget). But increasing the taxes on the self-employed still looks like a curious measure from a Conservative Chancellor. Does the Government still believe in the “march of the makers”? Or do the self-employed, many of whom are on middle incomes, now have to pay for the Chancellor’s modest giveaways while all of us wait for Brexit?

One other group which will obviously have to go on paying is the poorest in society because, once again, there was nothing in the Budget to help them. Mr Hammond says his priority is to support ordinary working families but this was a budget that still peddled much of the old familiar George Osborne rhetoric about austerity. The only responsible action, said Mr Hammond, was to continue with the Government’s plan to pay down the country’s debt. But what that means in practice is that the Government will continue to turn the screws on those who can least afford it at a time when Brexit-fuelled inflation is beginning to eat away into their incomes - even if the OBR’s prediction that inflation will fall back to 2 per cent by 2019 is proved right.

It would be churlish to deny that there was good news in the Budget: the £350million extra for Scotland in budget consequentials, the continuing freeze on fuel duty, the change to the personal tax free allowance, and the money for campaigns against domestic violence (timed for International Women’s Day).

The Chancellor also, finally, took some action to help the oil and gas industry after missing an opportunity to do so in the Autumn Statement last year. If the sector is to recover, it desperately needs more support through tax relief and support for decommissioning and exploration, and the expert panel announced by Mr Hammond can now consider these and other measures. It should do so without delay.

We should also be honest about what the announcement on oil and gas is – or rather is not. It is not a giveaway of any kind; in fact, this spring Budget should be defined by what it did not give away. The Chancellor did not give away anything to Britain’s small businesses. He also did nothing for the ordinary working families he said were his priority.

Instead, like an evangelist of the spreadsheet, Mr Hammond was determined to spread the supposed good news about the economy, growth, employment and tax and promise us a glorious life after Brexit. The reality, however, is that most of the good news is either illusory, overly optimistic, or heavily dependent on Brexit working for the British economy. And that, as Mr Hammond’s timid has proved, is a very big if.